Page 1 of 10

Salinas 1

Stacey Salinas

Feminist Theory American Studies

Paper Prompt #2

November 30th, 2017

Asian American History and the Filipino American Woman Project

As a graduate student, I have noticed the value in making academic material both

relatable and accessible to general audiences. Often academic theory, discussion, and critical

analysis is written with highbrow language to the point where the core subject matter of the

material is overshadowed by unrelatable literary rhetoric. If such histories or literature are so far

detached from the language and experiences of general audiences, theories that advocate social

change, celebrate diversity, and offer means to explore or understand different cultures (ethnic,

gendered, religious, class, etc.) will not make any headway in affecting the realities of

mainstream politics. Renowned black feminist, scholar, and activist bell hooks argues that

educators should seek to provide a learning experience that liberates its audiences from limited,

traditional, and narrow frameworks. hooks discusses in her book Teaching to Transgress:

Education as the Practice of Freedom that traditional teaching models, and the literature they

provide tend to speak to a certain class, culture, and gender preferred in American educational

institutions; white, male, middle and upper class, heterosexual perspectives. Hooks believes that

because teachers have within them the knowledge of theory and the power to transform and mold

the minds of future generations, their teaching methodologies should always seek to reach out to

wider audiences, speaking in languages or rhetoric that minorities and marginalized audiences

can also relate to (hooks, 12, 24). In so doing, learning becomes “a place where paradise is 1

created... where people can demand an openness of mind and collectively move beyond

boundaries” (hooks, 183).2

For many immigrant and second generation Asian Americans, finding answers or having

open forums that discuss racial issues specific to their experiences, (such as battling the “model

minority” myth, or Asian males feeling emasculated by general effeminate assumptions

1 Bell Hooks, Teaching to Transgress: Education as the Practice to Freedom (New York: Routledge,

1994), 12, 124.

2 Bell Hooks, Teaching Community: A Pedagogy of Hope (New York: Routledge, 2003), 183.

Page 2 of 10

Salinas 2

traditionally associated with them, etc.) are not common. Many Asian Americans find

themselves feeling like perpetual foreigners. Asian Americans, like many other minorities of

color in the United States experience societal prejudices due to their intersectional identities

(Asian American citizens are politically and socially seen and treated not only for their ethnic

differences but also along other markers of identity such as class, gender, immigrant

status/citizenship, ESL, sexual orientation, etc.). First and second generations in particular are

self conscious of their physical attributes as markers of difference in comparison to

Anglo-American features yet find themselves never fully accepted by their respective ethnic

communities (Chinese, Japanese, Filipino, Southeast Asian, or South Asian, etc.) because of their

“American” habits, beliefs, or preferences (Tewari & Alvarez, 79). This cultural disconnect that 3

bars Asian Americans from fully feeling incorporated into mainstream American society, like

many other ethnic groups, stems from a lack of discussion or public context in which for them to

engage in or reference. Asian American history, role model archetypes, literature, news, and

media continue to be few and far between in traditional American media outlets and classroom

texts. Unless one is able to take an Asian American course in college, literature on the Asian

American experience continues to be limited to minor immigration histories.

The Asian American experience tends to be watered down or misread with longstanding

American prejudices perceiving Asian Americans instead as Asians in America. Tourism

hotspots of Asian ethnic enclaves (Chinatowns, Japantowns, Lil’ Manilas, etc.) despite their

century long histories and roots are still perceived as “foreign space” for American and

international onlookers. The stereotyped exoticisms rendered to Asian/ Asian American women

perhaps are one of the most perpetuated prejudices that continue to stigmatize Asian American

communities in the United States. Stereotypes of Asian/Asian American women as “dragon

ladies,” model minority student, or submissive “mail order brides” are common caricatures as

seen in American film, newsmedia, or pop culture within the last century (Amott & Matthaei,

254). These stereotypes and prejudices reveal the marginalized and complex identities of Asian 4

3 Nita Tewari & Alvin N. Alvarez, Asian American Psychology: Current Perspectives (New York:

Psychology Press Taylor & Francis Group, 2009), 79.

4 Teresa Amott & Julie Matthaei, Race, Gender, and Work: A Multicultural Economic History of Women in

the United States (Boston: South End Press, 1996), 254.

Page 3 of 10

Salinas 3

American women as double, or even triple, minorities (people ostracized due to traditional

conventions on race, gender, and immigrant status).

Critical theory scholar and activist Kimberle Crenshaw argues that such intersectional

markers of identity, if broken down and assessed, can reveal how different power structures

interact (i.e. discriminate, oppress, or dominate) with the lives of minority groups. Asian 5

American women therefore face discrimination as both women and people of color but the

social, legal, and economic inequalities their intersectional identities bare witness to are less

addressed perhaps due to statistics (Asian Americans only make up 5 to 6 percent of the total

population, 21 million) (Velez). Furthermore, “Asian American” is a pan ethnic term 6

encompassing various East Asian, Southeast Asian, Pacific Islander, and South Asian ethnic

groups making the political term/identity both misleading and too broad of a definition to

represent the total Asian American experience. But contrary to their small populations,

Asians/Asian Americans have made major historical contributions over the last three centuries to

America’s success and growth into a modern nation state.

A Subset of Asian America: Filipino Americans

Although Filipino Americans are the fastest growing Asian ethnic group in the United

States, they like many other Southeast Asians are underrepresented more so than their East Asian

American peers (Chinese, Japanese, and Korean). Spanish colonial history can trace the

immigration routes of Filipinos to the Americas as early as the sixteenth century along the coast

of Morro Bay and Louisiana as sailors and slaves on Spanish Galleons and trade ships, yet their

histories are still underrepresented in traditional American historical narratives and in

mainstream media. Working in Hawaii’s early pineapple and sugar plantations as immigrant

cheap labor hands beginning in 1909, Filipino nationals have had a significant influence on the

success and rise of American produce and agricultural trade. Filipino nationals served in the

5 Kimberle Crenshaw, Neil Gotanda, Gary Peller, & Kendall Thomas ed, Critical Race Theory: The Key

Writings that Formed the Movement (New York: The New Press, 1995), 468.

6 Daniel Velez, “Asian American & Pacific Islander Month: May 2017,” Census.Gov, Last Modified March

14, 2017, Last Accessed November 22, 2017,

https://www.census.gov/content/dam/Census/newsroom/facts-for-features/2017/cb17-ff07.pdf.

Page 4 of 10

Salinas 4

American cannery businesses and in agriculture as early as the 1920s in both Hawaii and the

greater Pacific Northwest (Nayor, 198). They participated in World War II as Scouts, fought in 7

the Korean War and the Vietnam War as full-fledged American soldiers, and served in multiple

Civil Rights Movements throughout the 1960s-1980s.

The Asian American Movement, also known as the Yellow Power Movement, of the

1960s-1970s represented a broader movement for the rights and recognition of Asian

immigrant/Asian Americans. Although it did include Filipino Americans, the movement was

dominated mainly by Chinese and Japanese American students thus leading to a more East

Asian American cultural attachment and perspective to the political term, Asian American.

Mainstream historical narratives of the Civil Rights Era (1950s-1970s) continue to give less, if

any, attention to the Yellow Power Movement. But in comparison to the African American led

Civil Rights Movement, Chicano Movement, and Red Power Movement, Women’s Rights, and

the LGBTQ Movement, the Yellow Power Movement too is guilty of representing a majority

whose intersectional identities did not fit the broad mold of the Asian American experience.

From these broader movements, intersectional identities emerged like the 1970s

black-feminist-LGBTQ Combahee Collective advocating for intersectional inclusion, the trans

community of the Cold War Era fighting for inclusion and against sexual violence, and the

racially diverse SisterSong Collective encouraging reproductive justice regardless of race,

gender, sexual orientation, able bodiedness, or one’s immigrant status. But finding a Filipina/o 8

American identity amongst these intersectional and contemporary American issues and histories

is even less likely to be present in academic literature.

Much of the historical literature on Filipino and Filipino Americans flourished during the

1990s, much of it pertaining only to the Filipino male experience. Popular histories that discuss

the Asian American experience including Ethnic Studies and Sociology scholar Yen Le

Espiritu’s Asian American Women & Men: Labor, Laws, & Love and historian Erika Lee’s The

Making of Asian America leave other female minority experiences absent (i.e. Southeast Asian

7 Ed. Larry L. Nayor, Cultural Diversity in the United States (Westport: Bergin & Garvey, 1997), 198.

8 The Combahee River Collective, “The Combahee River Collective Statement,” Circuitous.org, Last

Modified 2017, Last Accessed November 30th, 2017, http://circuitous.org/scraps/combahee.html.

Page 5 of 10

Salinas 5

Americans: Indonesian, Malaysian, Hmong, etc.). Filipina Americans despite census data

confirming their labor (nurses, students, farm hands, domestic workers, wives/mothers) and

presence during the 1920s, and their contributions to both their Filipino ethnic enclaves and the

broader Asian American community, especially are without a history for current generations of

Filipina Americans to fall back on or reference.

The Filipino American Women’s Project

The Filipino American Woman Mission Statement

The first step to building our community is by creating awareness. The approach we are taking

to create awareness amongst our sisters is through storytelling. We believe that storytelling is

the most powerful and effective way of connecting with each other. In understanding our

similarities and differences, we strive to find a common ground of community, support and

collaboration. Stories connect. And when we’re connected, we’re empowered to embrace the

beauty that’s within ourselves and with each other (Amos).9

An intersectional feminist project that I am currently involved in is the Filipino American

Woman Project (TFAW). My main focus of research as a history graduate student is Asian

American Women’s History and was lucky to stumble upon TFAW and meet with the

organization’s founder, Ms. Jen Amos. Jen Amos is a San Diego native, business owner

(Founder of Social Turtles, a digital marketing company), and second generation Filipina

American. Her goals for TFAW was to create a social hub that discusses contemporary

Filipina/Filipina American issues. TFAW also promotes Filipino and Filipina American history

allowing for generations of Filipina/o Americans to have a relatable resource for history,

learning and relearning Filipino traditions, and finding an overall community of female roots.

Her most recent event last month at the Filipino School in San Diego involved the local

Filipina/o American community of Southern California (San Diego, Orange County, Los

Angeles), to discuss struggles Filipina Americans face and how they grapple with race, gender,

motherhood, and their perspectives on Asian American history.

9 Jen Amos, “A Passion Project: The Filipino American Woman Project,” GarciaMemories.com, Last

Modified September 17, 2017, Las Accessed November 22, 2017,

http://www.garciamemories.com/2017/09/FilipinoAmericanWoman.html.

Page 6 of 10

Salinas 6

Jen Amos recognized the absence of Filipinas in both Filipino and American histories

and wanted Filipinas to have a network of stories to trade, reference, and relate to. In her most

recent event in San Diego to kick off Filipino American History Month (October), Amos hosted

an open panel roundtable discussion where Filipina/Filipina Americans discussed their

intergenerational experiences, family histories, tips and opinions as to why it is important to raise

their budding families as “Filipino American,” and what their biggest hurdles are in coming to

terms with being Filipina American. The value in this one local event alone is that Southeast

Asian American women have the opportunity to contribute and lend their voices willingly in a

comfortable circle and can see women according to Amos, “who look like me” (Amos).10

Physical features and beauty hold historically high value in Filipino cultural psychology.

The lighter one’s skin tone, the more Spanish or American their lineage appears. The mestiza/o

(fair skinned, racially mixed) Filipinos continue to be deemed more preferable, have older

Spanish/American family histories, and are revered as representing ideal standards of beauty

(Hall, 55, 136). These gender expectations compounded with the cultural desire to be fair 11

skinned, or more westernized, are heavy tasks for Filipina women to take on especially when

that cultural mindset is transplanted to an American landscape; a dominantly white male

landscape where Filipina American women have to contend with the additional struggles of

being women of color. TFAW, in response to these excessive gendered presumptions, aims to

eliminate stressors or insecurities that Filipinas face within their community and family. “With

The Filipino American Woman Project, we [TFAW] celebrate the Filipino American women as

they already are. Our underlying message is: You are enough, and we want to celebrate you by

sharing your story” (Deaderick). Having open discussions on cultural struggles of assimilation, 12

or adhering to traditional expectations with women who look, experience, and have felt the same

insecurities because they stem from similar cultural roots, can be both healing and enlightening

10 Jen Amos, “The Filipino American Woman Project,” TFAW, Last Modified October 28, 2017, Last

Accessed November 22, 2017,

https://www.facebook.com/thefilipinoamericanwoman/videos/vb.1844862255781997/2014262865508601/

?type=2&theater.

11Ronald E. Hall, Filipina Eurogamy: Skin Color as a Vehicle of Psychological Colonization (Giraffe

Books, 2001), 55, 136.

12 Lisa Deaderick, “Filipino Women Sharing and Writing Their Own History,” San Diego Union-Tribune,

Last Modified October 21, 2017, Last Accessed November 22, 2017,

www.sandiegouniontribune.com/lifestyle/people/sd-me-one-amos-20171020-story.html.

Page 7 of 10

Salinas 7

therefore allowing Filipina American women to feel more confident in their daily lives and

routines. TFAW’s goal of creating a community space for Filipinas and Filipina Americans to

discuss their shared histories and experiences as women of color can create bridges between

Filipina Americans and provide an outlet for their frustrations allowing for opportunities towards

emotional healing.

The Philippine Islands experienced four centuries of Spanish and American colonialism.

Both Western empires emphasized and imparted patriarchal traditions and relationships of

power based on lineage. The traditional roles of Filipinas include striving to be good Catholic

mothers and matriarchs of their household. Although they manage all household expenses, child

rearing, the domestic work, are the sole caregivers to the elders of the family, their main

commitment is to their husband despite the fact that their overall physical and economic

contributions to the household are greater than their husband’s (Cheng, 33-35). Amos’ 13

TFAW Project events, both local and online (open forum, Twitter, Facebook Live interviews,

Live Videos) allow for Filipinas to be visible outside of their expected roles as mothers,

caregivers, or wives. Ranging from two to five times a month, Amos interviews Filipina

American women from a expansive host of working backgrounds from entrepreneurs (Amos

titles these business savvy mothers as “mompreneurs”), historians, actresses, musicians, disc

jockeys, photographers, professional speakers, cytotechnologists, writers, and the list goes on

(Amos). Filipina American women through the TFAW Facebook page can thus hear and view 14

livestream interviews of women ethnically like them, with numerous aspirations similar to theirs,

speaking in Filipina American slang that is relatable, comforting, and familiar.

Grassroots organizations like TFAW is essential to the burgeoning of Filipina/o

American literature because community leaders like Amos seek means to record and distribute

primary source material; oral histories from a diverse collection of intergenerational Filipina

American voices. Her efforts to interview and collaborate with other Filipina Americans with

13 Shu-ju Ada Cheng, Serving the Household and the Nation: Filipina Domestics and the Politics of

Identity in Taiwan (New York: Lexington Books, 2006), 33-35.

14 Jen Amos, “The Filipino American Woman Project,” TFAW, Last Modified October 28, 2017, Last

Accessed November 22, 2017,

https://www.facebook.com/thefilipinoamericanwoman/videos/vb.1844862255781997/2014262865508601/

?type=2&theater.

Page 8 of 10

Salinas 8

other professional backgrounds to fill in the “absent” Filipina in American history and literature,

provides intersectional networks (gendered and racially based) for scholars in both the

Humanities and Social Sciences to explore. For aspiring history graduate students like myself

whose research focuses on intersectional identities like race and gender, getting involved with

local organizations like Amos’ TFAW broadens my graduate training by forcing me to remove

myself from constant objective theoretical frameworks and seeing on the ground level as to how

people “like me” (second generation Filipino American, multiracial, and female) view

themselves.

My volunteer work for Jen Amos is to collect primary historical source material (Filipina

American poetry, histories, literature, oral histories, etc.) and deconstruct and analyze their

impact on redefining the Filipina experience. My contributions aim to provide a voice and face

to the earlier pioneer Filipina/Filipina Americans and using historical analysis to address the

unsaid roles and implications that notions of gender, race, labor, culture, sexuality, class, and

religion had in their cultural assimilation into mainstream twentieth century American society.

By comparing historical documentation to present Filipina American experiences, the

perpetuation of oppressive barriers like Filipino machismo, patriarchy, oppressive gendered and

family responsibilities can be brought to light. In an open forum, these issues could then be used

to produce positive discussions by local Filipina Americans part of Amos’ TFAW network.

Collaborations between activists and academics therefore can help to transform the tight

knit ivory tower and its classrooms into a more authentic and relatable space. This form of

“engaged pedagogy” according to Bell Hooks can produce a politically active generation of

students and willing audiences to not only understand their intersectional circumstances but use

that knowledge/awareness to reshape the politics that manage the inequalities found in society.

The knowledge base of students therefore should encompass relatable academic theoretical

frameworks and activist primary source material, like Amos’ ethnic community histories, to

fully transform societal dynamics into a more inclusive and politically driven community.

By the end of the year, I hope in collaboration with Amos to continue 1) promoting

awareness as to the many historical contributions that women of color have made, 2) building

centers (online & local) of community for present generations of women with intersectional

Page 9 of 10

Salinas 9

identities, and 3) creating a safe collective space for Filipina American women to succeed in by

building off one another’s success and guidance. Therefore, TFAW falls within similar goals of

contemporary womanism, intersectional feminism, and those in favor of reproductive justice and

even transfeminism because TFAW promotes educational resources towards a more collectively

aware community.

Bibliography

Amos, Jen. “A Passion Project: The Filipino American Woman Project,”

GarciaMemories.com, Last

Modified September 17, 2017, Las Accessed November 22, 2017,

http://www.garciamemories.com/2017/09/FilipinoAmericanWoman.html.

Amos, Jen. “The Filipino American Woman Project,” TFAW, Last Modified October 28, 2017,

Last Accessed November 22, 2017,

https://www.facebook.com/thefilipinoamericanwoman/videos/vb.1844862255781997/20

14262865508601/?type=2&theater.

Amott, Teresa & Julie Matthaei, Race, Gender, and Work: A Multicultural Economic History of

Women in the United States. Boston: South End Press, 1996.

Cheng, Shu-ju Ada. Serving the Household and the Nation: Filipina Domestics and the Politics

of Identity in Taiwan. New York: Lexington Books, 2006.

The Combahee River Collective, “The Combahee River Collective Statement.” Circuitous.org.

Last Modified 2017. Last Accessed November 30th, 2017.

http://circuitous.org/scraps/combahee.html.

Crenshaw, Kimberle, Neil Gotanda, Gary Peller, & Kendall Thomas ed. Critical Race Theory:

The Key Writings that Formed the Movement (New York: The New Press, 1995.

Deaderick, LIsa. “Filipino Women Sharing and Writing Their Own History,” San Diego

Union-Tribune, Last Modified October 21, 2017, Last Accessed November 22, 2017,

www.sandiegouniontribune.com/lifestyle/people/sd-me-one-amos-20171020-story.html.

Hall, Ronald E. Filipina Eurogamy: Skin Color as a Vehicle of Psychological Colonization.

Giraffe Books, 2001.

Hooks, Bell. Teaching to Transgress: Education as the Practice to Freedom. New York:

Routledge, 1994.

Hooks, Bell. Teaching Community: A Pedagogy of Hope. New York: Routledge, 2003.

Page 10 of 10

Salinas 10

Nayor, Ed. Larry L. Cultural Diversity in the United States. Westport: Bergin & Garvey, 1997.

Tewari, Nita & Alvin N. Alvarez. Asian American Psychology: Current Perspectives. New

York: Psychology Press Taylor & Francis Group, 2009.

Velez, Daniel. “Asian American & Pacific Islander Month: May 2017,” Census.Gov, Last

Modified March 14, 2017, Last Accessed November 22, 2017,

https://www.census.gov/content/dam/Census/newsroom/facts-for-features/2017/cb17-ff0

7.pdf.